Institut für Politik- und Kommunikationswissenschaft
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This dissertation addresses the longstanding and contentious question of whether and how government ideology influences labor market policy reforms in advanced democracies. While classical partisan theory suggests that leftist governments expand and rightist governments reduce welfare policies, empirical findings across decades of research remain inconclusive, often producing contradictory results. This study seeks to resolve these inconsistencies by applying a new analytical framework that takes into account both variation over time and differences between countries. Specifically, I extend Jahn’s Agenda Setting Power Model (ASPM) by adding a country-specific analytical layer, which enables the simultaneous estimation of unique partisan dynamics across 21 OECD countries between 1970 and 2016.
The focus is on active and passive labor market policies, which represent functions of reintegration into employment and income compensation for job loss, respectively. I show that partisan effects depend heavily on national institutional settings and change significantly across different periods. The methodological innovation lies in estimating separate effects for each country within a single, integrated model. This approach avoids the oversimplification often found in conventional time series cross-sectional regressions that apply uniform effects across all countries and years. The results show that each of the three leading theories—classical partisanship, new politics, and reverse partisanship—receives empirical support, but only in specific national and temporal contexts.
This dissertation contributes to the field of comparative welfare state research by offering a more detailed and evidence-based understanding of how government ideology interacts with institutional constraints and economic conditions to shape labor market policy. The findings point to the importance of using refined analytical strategies and stress the value of acknowledging both the timing and country-specific nature of political dynamics.
Does personal contact between allied service members and local citizens result in greater public acceptance of foreign military presence? To what extent do members of the host nation's domestic society assess favorably the forward deployment of allied military personnel on their own national territory? Substantial scholarly literature has probed these types of questions in the context of US globe-spanning military deployments. This study, however, departs from the US-centric approach and focuses on the deployment of a middle power. In the presented analysis, we examine the Canadian approach to “winning hearts and minds” in Latvia. In 2023, upwards of 800 Canadian troops were stationed in Latvia. Using original survey data, we measure local citizens' attitudes towards the Canadian-led battlegroup. Our results speak to the fact that Canadian and other foreign armed forces' presence in Latvia is generally accepted by the wider society. Despite Moscow's active attempts to cultivate anti-NATO sentiments, the Latvian public welcomes the stationing of Canadian troops on the country's soil.
This article seeks to capture a facet of US – Baltic relations that for the most part has played out behind the public curtain. As such, the following chronicles key twists and turns, achievements and failures in American – Baltic intelligence relations. A substantial body of scholarship has already examined cultural, diplomatic, and security ties between these actors. The same cannot be said about intelligence bonds. This article attempts to redress this neglect in the literature. It argues that the Baltics, with their well-honed sense of Russian political affairs, have become valuable sources of intelligence for their key ally across the Atlantic.
My first encounter with Horkheimer's seminal 1931 speech “The Present Situation of Social Philosophy and the Tasks of an Institute for Social Research” dates back to 1981 when I was struggling as a young student to read the final chapters of Jürgen Habermas's just published Theory of Communicative Action. Habermas made a strong case for Horkheimer's program of interdisciplinary materialism in his book. He reconstructed Horkheimer's original program and presented an ambitious update (see Habermas, 1987, pp. 374–403). This encouraged me to read Horkheimer's famous speech of January 1931 and became the inspirational starting point for my ongoing interest in the history of the Frankfurt School.
This article sheds light on the obstacles that women face as members of the government by answering the questions: How does the sex of ministers shape the way MPs’ assess the quality of their work? And, how does this relationship differ depending on the political ideology of MPs? We argue that legislators assess the competencies of women ministers differently after the activation of gender stereotypes, but that the way they react depends on the ideological orientation of their party. We investigate this topic in a real-word context using a unique survey experiment with German and Austrian MPs. The evidence reveals that, while MPs belonging to right-wing parties perceive women in the executive as less competent than men ministers, their colleagues from left-wing parties actually assess them more favorably. These findings highlight the persistence of old myths about women’s lacking political skills and the emergence of new ones about women’s superior ability to govern.
This article is the first to show that gender shapes the degree to which legislators use formal mechanisms to oversee government activities. Extensive scholarly work has analysed the use of oversight instruments, especially regarding who monitors whom. Whether, how, and why the conformity of men and women with institutional roles differs, has not yet received scholarly attention. We hypothesise that women become more active than men in overseeing the executive when in opposition while reducing their monitoring activities even more strongly than men when in government because of different social roles ascribed to men and women as well as differences in risk aversity between sexes. We analyse panel data for three oversight tools from the German Bundestag between 1949 and 2013 to test this proposition. Our findings imply that characteristics of political actors influence even a strongly institutionalised process as oversight and further clarify the gender bias in political representation.
Being a master of metaphors
(2023)
A Brief History of APIs
(2021)
Online platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter offer a wide range of data for scientific research. Since many of the social media providers have set up application programming interfaces (APIs), extensive volumes of data can be collected automatically (Jünger, 2018; Keyling & Jünger, 2016). Social media data are attractive, inter alia, because they not only include already available communication, such as that from public media, but they also make organisational and interpersonal communication visible (Ledford, 2020). In addition, these data are process-generated (Baur, 2011, p. 1234), meaning that they are generated independently of scientific research and thus promise an authentic insight into human behaviour. 1 A wide range of studies in the social sciences exploit APIs for data collection and analysis. Thus, the establishment and development of APIs has significant implications for science.
Der interdisziplinäre Band postuliert eine Macht des Kontextes und erklärt, was darunter verstanden wird. Die Beiträge beleuchten und hinterfragen die Macht des Kontextes in dessen Relationen zu Sprache(n), Gesellschaft(en) und Medien. Dies geschieht teils aus philologischem, teils aus sozialwissenschaftlich-kommunikationswissenschaftlichem Blickwinkel und schließt jeweils mit Thesen zur Macht des Kontextes. Der Fokus in den Beiträgen lässt sich entlang der sozialwissenschaftlichen Ebenen (Mikroebene, Mesoebene, Makroebene) differenzieren. Mit Blick auf die gewonnenen Erkenntnisse eröffnet sich die Perspektive einer breit verstandenen Kontextlinguistik, und es werden Impulse und Anknüpfungspunkte für weitere Forschung in den Einzeldisziplinen sowie für disziplinenverbindende Forschung geboten.
How can powerful states best extract domestic concessions from their junior allies? What are the conditions under which the powerful state is more likely to succeed in inducing such domestic policy change? This article explores the link between US security commitments and Washington’s ability to attain favourable policy outcomes within the allied domestic arena. It provides an illustrative case of how the USA, using security guarantees as leverage, can enter allied domestic space and shape its decision-making process. After it was revealed that Latvia had served as a key node through which North Korea attempted to evade the sanctions regime, the USA, by playing its security guarantor card, pressured Riga to carry out substantial policy reforms in relation to its financial system. This approach yielded considerable results. In order to preserve the existing security arrangements with the dominant alliance member, Latvia offered significant policy concessions. This finding demonstrates that US security alliances come with side benefits that are often underrated or neglected in the scholarly literature.